James Harrington

Esq. was born at Upton in Northamptonshire, on the first Friday in January, an. 1611, became Gent. Commoner of Trin. Coll. in 1629, left it before he took a degree, travelled into France, Germany and Italy, learned the Languages of those Countries, returned an accomplish’d Gentleman, and afterwards for some years waited upon the Prince Elector Palatine in his Chamber. In the beginning of the Civil War 1642 he sided with the Presbyterians, and endeavoured to get into the H. of Commons to sit as a member there, but could not. In January 1646 he went as a Volunteire with the Commissioners appointed by Parliament to go to the King at Newcastle to treat for a Peace and Settlement, and bring him nearer to London. In the month of May 1647, he, with Thom. Herbert, were admitted Grooms of the Bed-chamber to the said King then at Holdenbie in Northamptonshire, upon the dismissing first of some of his old Servants, and secondly upon the desire of the Commissioners, they being ordered so to do by the Parliament. His Majesty, it seems, had taken notice that those two persons had followed the Court since his coming from Newcastle: and being satisfied with the report he had received concerning them, as to their sobriety and good education, was willing to receive them into his service to wait upon his person in his Bed-chamber with Mr. Jam. Maxwell and Mr. Patrick Maule (afterwards Earl of Penmaure in Scotland) who were then the only persons of the Bed-chamber that were remaining. While our Author Harrington was in this capacity, his Maj. loved his company, and did choose rather (finding him to be an ingenious man) to discourse with him, than with others of the chamber. They had often discourses concerning Government, but when they hapned to talk of a Commonwealth, the K. seemed not to endure it. At that time it was that Harrington finding his Maj. quite another person, as to his parts, religion, morals, &c. than what were represented by the faction, who gained their ends by lyes and scandals, he became passionately affected with, and took all occasions to vindicate him in what company soever he hapned to be; but then again it being sometimes imprudently done, he did suffer for it in those captious times, as by this story ’twill appear. His Majesty being hurried away from Holdenby to the Head-quarters of the Army, and from thence conveyed by slow paces to Hampton Court, and thence jugled into the Isle of Wight, (where he treated with the Commissioners of Parliament for peace) and from Newport there, hurried away by Lieut. Coll. Ralph Cobbet to Hurst Castle in Hampshire, on the last of Nov. 1648, it hapned that Harrington, who was then with his Maj. as one of the Grooms of the Chamber, did one morning fall into discourse with the Governour of that Castle and some other Officers of the Parl. Army, concerning the late Treaty at Newport, wherein he magnified the Kings wisdom in his arguments with the Commissioners upon the propositions for Peace and Satisfaction the Parliament had in his concessions, and probability in a happy event, if this force in removing him to Hurst Castle had not interven’d and made an unhappy fracture, (which created parties) enlarging also upon his Majesties learned disputes with Mr. Rich. Vines and other Presbyterian Divines, with such moderation as gained applause from all those that heard him argue. Which discourse, how inoffensive soever and without exception at any other time or place, truth is not at all times seasonable nor safe to be spoken, as by our Authors example was evidenced. For those captious persons with whom he held discourse being full of jealousie, and apt to wrest his words to the worst sense, they withdrew a little, and at their return they told him plainly they were dissatisfied with what he had said. He desired them to instance wherein, they replied in all particulars: which, when he began to repeat for his own satisfaction and their better understanding, they interrupted him, and told him in plain terms they could not suffer his attendance ((*))((*)) So have I been informed by Letters from Mr. Tho. Herbert made a Baronet by K. Ch. 2. any longer about the King. With which proceedings and dismiss, without acquainting him with the occasion, ’twas ill resented by the King, who had Harrington in good esteem, looking upon him as a Gentleman qualified with special parts, and having found him trusty, his service was the more acceptable, yet blamed him nevertheless for not being more wary amongst men that were at such a time full of jealousies, and very little obliging to his Majesty. Being thus dismist, and Herbert only left to attend the K. in his chamber, I think he was never admitted again when the King was afterwards conveyed to Windsore, and so to St. James’s. However he was with him on the Scaffold when he suffered death, where, or else a little before, he received a pledge of his Majesties affection. From that time always, even when Oliver raigned, he would speak of the said King with the greatest zeal and passion imaginable, and would often say to his Companions, that his death gave him so great grief, that he contracted a disease by it, and that never any thing went more near to him than the death of that most wise and pious Prince. Before I go any farther with Harrington, I will here make a little digression concerning the condition then of his Majesty. Herbert was only then left to wait upon the K. in his Bed-chamber, (for the other two were before dismist) who, tho sickly and in an aguish condition, yet he held out by his careful observing his Majesty’s instructions: without which, as the times then were, it had been impossible for him to have kept his station. To this deplorable condition his Maj. being thus reduced, he could not choose but have some melancholy apprehensions, as indeed he had, for accordingly about midnight, there was an unusual noise in the said Hurst Castle, that awakened him out of his sleep, and was in some marvel to hear the Draw-bridg let down at that unseasonable hour, and some Horsemen enter, who being alighted, the rest of the night was in a deep silence. The King being desirous to know the matter, he rung his silver bell long before break of day; (which, with both his watches, he usually laid upon a stool near the wax Lamp that was set near them in a large silver bason) upon which call, Herbert opened the Bed chamber door to know his Maj. pleasure. The K. told him he would rise; and as he was making ready, he ask’d him if he heard the noise that was made about midnight. Herbert answer’d he did, as also the falling of the Draw-bridg, but he being shut up in the back-stair room next to the Bed chamber, and the door by the Governours order being bolted without, he neither could nor would without his Maj. order adventure out at such a time of night. The K. then bid him go and learn what the matter was, which he did accordingly, and knocking at the back-stair door, the Soldiers unbolted it without; so that entring into the next room he happily found Capt. (Joh.) Reynolds there alone by a fire, and after some discourse, he enquired of him who they were that came so very late into the Castle last night, and their errand. The Captain in a joking way bad him be wary in carrying news to the K. for he was among supercilious superintendants, and his Comrade was served for an example. Herbert thanked him for his friendly caution, and at length got out of him who the Commander was that came so late into the Castle, but would not discover what his business was. Whereupon he returned to his Majesty, and told him it was Major Tho. Harrison that came so late into the Castle; Are you sure it was Major Harrison, said the King? May it please your Majesty (said Herbert) Captain Reynolds told me so: the K. then making a little pause, said, then I believe it, but did you see Major Harrison? No, Sir, said Herb. Then the K. said, Would not Capt. Reynolds tell you what the Major’s business is? Herbert then replied, that he did what he could to be informed, but all that he could then learn from the Captain was, that the occasion of Harrisons coming would be known suddenly. The King said no more, but bad him attend in the next room, and forthwith his Maj. went to his prayers. In less than an hour the K. opened the Bed-chamber door and beckoned to Herbert to come in and make him ready. Herbert was in some consternation to see his Maj. so much discomposed, and wept: which the K. observing, asked him the meaning of it; Herbert replied, because I perceive your Maj. so much concerned at the news I brought: said the K. thereupon, I am not afraid, but do you not know that this is the man (Harrison) who intendeth to assasianate me, as by letter I was informed during the late Treaty? To my knowledge I never saw the Major, tho I have often heard of him, nor ever did him injury. The Commissioners indeed hearing of it, represented it from Newport to the House of Lords: what satisfaction he gave them I cannot tell; this I can, that I trust in God who is my helper, I would not be surprised, but this is a place fit for such a purpose. Herbert, I trust to your care, go again and make farther enquiry into this business. Immediately after Herbert went out, and finding an opportunity to speak in private with Capt. Reynolds (who being a Gent. well educated and at all essays ready to express civility towards the King, with whom he most times walked upon a long narrow passage of stony ground joyning to the Castle, and was always courteous to his servants) he told him that the Major’s business was to remove the King thenee to Windsore Castle, within three days at farthest. Herbert believing the King would be well pleased with the exchange, by leaving the worst, to enjoy the best, Castle in England, returned to his Majesty with a mirthful countenance, little imagining (God knows) the sad consequence; but as soon as the King heard Windsore named he seemed to rejoyce at it. The Major tarried two nights at Hurst Castle, and when it was dark (having given orders for the Kings removal) he departed to the place from whence he came, and what passed between the King and him in his Majesties going from Hurst Castle to Windsore you shall have an account hereafter. Now let’s return to our Author Harrington, who when he thought that after the death of his Master, Monarchy would never be restor’d, he followed his own genie, which chiefly laid towards the Politicks and Democratical Government. He made several Essays in Poetry, as in writing of Love verses and translating of Virgils Eclogues, but his muse was rough, and Harry Nevill an ingenious and well-bred Gentleman, and a good (but conceited) Poet being his familiar and confident friend, disswaded him from tampring with Poetry, and to apply himself to the improvement of his proper talent, viz. Politicks and political reflections. Whereupon he wrot The Commonwealth of Oceana, and caused it to be printed without his name by stealth at London. At the appearance of which, it was greedily bought up, and coming into the hands of Hobbes of Malmsbury, he, would often say that H. Nevill had a finger in that pye; and those that knew them both were of the same opinion: And by that book and both their smart discourses and inculcations daily in Coffee houses, they obtained many Proselytes. In 1659, in the beginning of Mich. term, they had every night a meeting at the then Turks head in the New Pallace yard at Westm. (the next house to the stairs where people take water) called Miles Coffee house, to which place their disciples and Vertuosi would commonly then repair: and their discourses about Government and of ordering of a Commonwealth, were the most ingenious and smart that ever were heard, for the arguments in the Parl. house were but flat to those. This Gang had a Balloting-box and balloted how things should be carried, by way of Tentamens; which being not used or known, in England before upon this account, the room every evening was very full. Besides our Author and H. Nevill, who were the prime men of this Club, were Cyriack Skinner a Merchants son of London, an ingenious young Gentleman and scholar to Jo. Milton, which Skinner sometimes held the Chair; Major John Wildman, Charles Wolseley of Staffordshire, Rog. Coke, Will. Poultney, (afterwards a Knight) who sometimes held the Chair, Joh. Hoskyns, Joh. Aubrey, Maximilian Pettie of Tetsworth in Oxfordsh. a very able man in these matters, and who had more than once turn’d the Council [•] board of Oliver Cromwell, Mich. Mallet, Ph. Carteret of the Isle of Guernsey, Franc. Cradeck a Merchant, Hen. Ford, Major.... Venner Nephew to Dr. Tob. Venner the Physitian, Tho. Marryot of Warwickshire, Hen. Croone a Physitian, Edw. Bagshaw of Ch. Ch. and sometimes Rob. Wood of Linc. Coll. and Jam. Arderne, then, or soon after, a Divine, with many others besides Antagonists and Auditors of note, whom I cannot now name. Dr. Will. Petty was a Rotaman and would sometimes trouble Ja. Harrington in his Club, and one ... Stafford a Gent. of Northamptonshire, who used to be an Auditor, did with his Gang come among them one evening very mellow from the Tavern and did much affront the Junto, and tore in pieces their Orders and Minutes. The Soldiers who commonly were there, as Auditors and Spectators, would have kick’d them down stairs, but Harrington’s moderation and perswasion hindred them. The doctrine was very taking, and the more because as to humane foresight there was no possibility of the Kings return. The greatest of the Parliament men hated this design of Rotation and Balloting, as being against their power. Eight or ten were for it, of which number Hen. Nevill was one, who proposed it to the House, and made it out to the Members thereof that except they embraced that way of Government they would be ruined. The modell of it was, that the third part of the Senate or House should rote out by Ballot every year, so that every ninth year the said Senate would be wholly alter [•] d. No Magistrate was to continue above 3 years, and all to be chosen by Ballot; then which choice nothing could be invented more fair and impartial, as ’twas then thought, tho opposed by many for several reasons. This Club of Commonwealths men lasted till about the 21 of Feb. 1659; at which time the secluded members being restored by Gen. George Monke, all their models vanished. After the Kings restauration our Author Harrington retired and lived in private, but being looked upon as a dangerous person, he, with Maj. Joh. Wildman, and Prais-god Barbon a notorious Schismatick, were committed Prisoners to the Tower of London 26 Nov. 1661, where continuing for some time, Harrington was transmitted to Portsey Castle and kept there for several months. Afterwards being set at liberty, he travelled into Italy, where talking of Models, Commonwealths and Government, he was reputed no better than a whimsical or crack’d-brain’d person. ’Tis true that his close restraint, which did not agree with his high spirit and hot and rambling head, was the protractick cause of his deliration or madness; I do not mean outragiousness, for he would discourse rationally enough and be facetious in company, but a deep conceit and fancy that his perspiration turned into flies and sometimes into bees. Which fancy possess’d him a whole year before he died, his memory and discourse being then taken away by a disease. So that he, who had been before a brisk and lively Chevalier, was then made a sad sample of Mortality to H. Nevill (who did not leave him to his last) and others of his intimate acquaintance, who much lamented his loss. He hath written and published these things following.

The Commonwealth of Oceana. Lond. 1656. in a thin fol. dedicated to Oliver Lord Protector, and the model therein admired by a noted author H. Stubbe ((a))((a)) In his pref. to The Good Old Cause. who was ready to cry out, as if it were the Pattern in the mount. In the praise whereof, he saith, he would enlarge, did he not think himself too inconsiderable to add any thing to those applauds, which the understanding part of the world must bestow upon him, and which, though eloquence should turn Panegyrist, he not only merits but transcends. Yet the said authors mind being soon after changed, he wrot Animadversions on Oceana as erroneous. The said Oceana was answer’d by Matthew Wrenn son of Matthew B. of Ely in his Considerations, as I shall elsewhere tell you. Afterwards our Author came out with a reply, wherein he reflects on the Club of Virtuosi which use to meet in Dr. Jo. Wilkins his lodgings in Wadham Coll. to make experiments, and communicate their observations in order to carry on a discovery of nature, in these words, that the University wits or good company are good at two things, a diminishing of a Commonwealth and the multiplying of a Lowse.—He also in several places insinuates as if the Considerations of the Commonwealth of Oceana were not wrot by Mr. Wrenn, but composed by the University, or at least by some eminent persons in it, which is false. Soon after Wrenn wrot a Rejoynder to Harrington’s Reply, intit. Monarchy asserted &c. and afterwards our Author with Politicaster, as I shall anon tell you. Mr. Rich. Baxter also wrot something against the said Oceana and Sir Hen. Vane’s Modell: in answer to which Harrington wrot a paper of Gibberish as Baxter calls it, scorning at his ignorance in Politicks. Whereupon he the said Baxter wrot his Political Aphorismes, called A holy Commonwealth ((b))((b)) Printed at London 1659. oct. pleading in the beginning for the divine universal Soveraignty and next for Monarchy as under God, and next seeing they were all for new modelling) how piety might be secured and promoted by Monarchy. This Holy Commonwealth (said to be written upon the invitation of our Author Harrington, to which is annexed a treatise of the late Wars to satisfie Sir Franc. Nethersole by what reasons he was moved to engage himself in the Parliaments War) contains very many most pernicious Principles and dangerous Tenets, and therefore were afterwards retracted by the Author, as having been unseasonably printed. Many Principles are taken out thence by many of his Adversaries, and thrown in his dish and objected against him: And in 1683, Jul. 21, the book was publickly burnt in the School-Quadrangle at Oxon by a decree then passed in the Convocation-house, as containing several matters therein destructive to the sacred persons of Princes, their State and Government, and of all humane society. Our Author Harrington hath also written these things following.

The use and manner of the Ballot—Pr. on one side of a sheet of paper. In the middle of which is a fair cut representing the Session of Magistrates belonging to a Commonwealth.

The prerogative of popular Government. A political discourse in two books, the former containing the first preliminary of Oceana, enlarged, interpreted and vindicated from all such mistakes or slanders as have been alledged against, under the notion of Objections. The second concerning Ordination, against Dr. Hen. Hammond, Dr. Lazarus Seaman, and the Authors they follow. Lond 1658. qu. The said Lazarus Seaman had been one of the Ass. of Divines, was Master of Peterhouse in Cambridge, and Minister of Allhallowes Breadstreet in London. Which two last places he lost after his Majesties return, lived afterwards a Nonconformist, mostly in Warwick-Court near Warwick-Lane in London, where he died about the 9 of Sept. 1675, much lamented by the Brethren in regard he was a learned man. He hath two or more Sermons extant preached before the Long Parliament, and A vindication of the judgment of the reformed Churches concerning Ordination and laying on of hands, &c. Lond. 1647. qu. and other things.

Aphorismes political. Lond. 1659. sec. edit. in two sh. and an half. They are in number 120.

Politicaster: or, a comical discourse in answer to Mr. Wrenns book intit. Monarchy asserted, against Mr. Harringtons Oceana. Lond. 1659.

Brief direction shewing how a fit and perfect model of popular Government may be made, found, or understood. Lond. 1659. in two parts. The first contains 10 models; the second part proposeth a model of a Commonwealth fitted unto the present state of this nation, under five propositions or heads. Printed in 3 sh. and a half.

The Art of Law-giving. Lond. 1659 in a little oct.

Pour Enclouer le canon. Ibid. 1659. in one sh. in qu.

Discourse upon this saying: The Spirit of the nation is not yet to be trusted with liberty, lest it introduce monarchy, or invade the libertie of Conscience. Ibid. 1659. in two sh. in qu.

A proposition in order to the proposing of a Commonwealth or Democracie—Pr. on one side of a sh. of paper.

Discourse shewing that the spirit of Parliaments, with a Councill in the intervals, is not be trusted for a settlement, lest it introduce monarchy and persecution for conscience. Lond. 1659 in one sh. and an half. At the end are Certain maxims calculated unto the present state of England, by the same hand.

A parallel of the Spirit of the people with the Spirit of Mr. Rogers. And an appeal thereupon unto the reader, whether the Spirit of the people, or the Spirit of men like Mr. Rogers, be the fitter to be trusted with the Government. Lond. 1659 in one sh. in qu. Of this Mr. Rogers who was a noted Anabaptist of his time, I shall speak more at large in the conclusion of our author Harrington.

Valerius and Publicola: or, the true forme of a popular Commonwealth extracted è puris naturalibus. Lond. 1659. in 5. sh. in qu. written by way of dialogue. At the end of which is

A sufficient answer to Mr. Stubbe his Letter to an officer concerning a select Senate.

These last seven things, with his Aphorismes Politicall, I have seen bound all together, with this general title put to them. Political discourses: tending to the introduction of a free and equal Commonwealth in England. Lond. 1660. qu. Before which is the authors picture, which shews him to be an handsome man, and of a delicate curl’d head of hair.

Letters between him and Dr. Pet. Heylyn containing a decertation about forms of Government, the power of the Spartan Ephori and the Jewish Sanhedrim. Lond. 1659 in oct. These letters are printed in the third part of The Letter Combate, published by the said Dr. Heylyn.

The Rota: or, a model of a free state, or Equal Commonwealth: once proposed and debated in brief, and to be again more at large proposed to, and debated by, a free and open Societie of ingenious Gentlemen. Lond. 1660 in 4. sh. in qu. Published in the beginning of Feb. 1659. About which time John Milton published a Pamphlet called The readie and easie way to Establish a Free Commonwealth. Lond. 1659/60 in two sh. and an half. In answer to which came out a waggish censure, pretended to be made by the Rota, Printed in two sh. in the latter end of March 1660. And a little before, was a sh. in qu. printed, intit. Decrees and Orders of the Committee of Safety, of the Commonwealth of Oceana, purposely to make the Junto of the Commonwealths men ridiculous, it being then newly dispers’d upon Monks restitution of the Secluded Members of Parliament.

The Stumbling-block of disobedience cunningly imputed by P. H. unto Calvin, removed in a Letter to the said P. H. (Pet. Heylyn)—This Letter which hath J.H. set to it, was printed in two sheets in qu. about 1659.

The wayes and meanes whereby an equall and lasting Commonwealth may be suddenly introduced and perfectly founded, &c. Lond. 1660. in one sh. in qu. published in the beginning of Feb. 1659. He also translated from Lat. into English, two of Virgils Eclogues and Aeneis, which he thus entituled. An Essay upon two of Virgils Eclogues, and two of his Aeneis towards the translation of the whole. Lond 1657. 58. oct; and in 1659 was printed in 8o. his translation of the third, fourth, fifth and sixth books of the said Virgil’s Aeneis. This eminent author died within the City of Westminster in sixteen hundred seventy and seven,1677. and was buried in the Chancel of S. Margarets Church there, next to the grave of Sir Walt. Raleigh, under the south side of the Altar where the Priest stands. Over his grave was this inscription soon after put. Hic jacet Jacobus Harrington Armiger, filius maximus natu Sapcoti Harrington de Rand in Com. Linc. Equitis Aurati, & Janae (uxoris ejus) filiae Gulielmi Samuel de Upton in Com. Northampton. Militis, qui obiit Septimo die Septembris aetatis suae sexagessimo sexto, an Dom 1677. Nec Virtutes nec animi dotes (Arrha licet aeterni in animam amoris dei) coruptione eximere queant corpus, &c. The said Sir Sapcote Harrington was younger brother to Sir Jam. Harrington of Ridlington in Rutlandshire Baronet, sons of Sir Edw. Harrington Baronet, (by his wife, daughter and heir of Rob. Sapcote of Elton in Huntingdonshire, Esq) younger brother to John Lord Harrington, sons of Sir Jam. Harrington Kt. (by Lucie his wife daughter of Sir Will. Sydney Kt.) son of Sir Jo. Harrington Knight, who was Treasurer of the Army to K. Hen. 8. Now as for Mr. Rogers before mention’d, whom our author Harrington answered in his Parallel of the Spirit, &c. as ’tis before told you, his Christian name was John, a notorious fifth Monarchy man and Anabaptist, living in Aldersgatestreet in London, and the title of his book which was answered, runs thus A Christian concertation with Mr. Prynne, Mr. Baxter and Mr. Harrington for the true cause of the Commonwealth, &c. Lond. 1659. This Mr. Rogers was a busie pragmatical man, and very zealous to promote a quarrel between his party and Oliver Cromwell, for his seemingly running with them till he had got the reins of Government into his own hands, and then to leave them with scorn. He, with Christop. Feake as impudent and forward as himself, were the Coryphaei of their party (as Love in his time was of the Presbyterians) and were not wanting upon all occasions to raise a commotion. Wherefore it being thought requisite to secure, Oliver caused, them to be imprison’d at Lambeth and to debar their party to have access to them, in Dec. or thereabouts 1654. (Rogers being then of S. Thomas the Apostles in Southwark. After they had remained there for some time, Rogers had prevailed so far with his party as to present an Address (which he himself had drawn up) to the said Oliver for his enlargment. Whereupon, on the 7 of Feb. the same year, Rogers was brought before the Protectors Council sitting at Whitehall, who told him what a high charge there was against him, and that he was not a Prisoner for the cause of Christ, but suffered as a busie body, and an evil-doer, &c. At length it being desired by his friends that the cause might be debated between his Highness the Protector and himself, it was with his Highness his consent granted. Whereupon in the evening of the said day, Rogers with some of his friends were admitted into his Highness’s presence, where being told of an high charge exhibited against him, Rogers charged them, that brought it in, to be Drunkards and Swearers. The Protector asked him which of them was so, that brought it in, but he could name none of them that he knew. The Protector pressed him for Scripture for his actings. He said the Scripture was positive and privative: And being asked which of those evil Kings that he mention’d, that God destroyed, he would parallel to this present State? he gave no positive but privitive answer. Whereupon the Protector shewed what a disproportion there was, those being such as laboured to destroy the people of God; but his work (speaking of himself) was to preserve them from destroying one another, and if the sole power was in the Presbyterians, they would force all to their way, and they (the Fifth Monarchy men) would do the like and so the re-baptized persons also: And his work was to keep all the Godly of several judgments in peace, &c. And when Rogers cried down the national Ministry and national Church, mention’d to be antichristian, the Protector told him that it was not so, for that was to force all to one form, that was national, which was then done (as he said) in this Commonwealth, &c. Afterward Maj. Gen. Tho. Harrison, Col. Charles Rich and some others made an address to the Protector to desire the release of him, Feake and others, or to try them. The Protector shewed how he kept them from tryal out of mercy, because if they were tried, the Law would take away their lives. So he was remitted to his Prison and Feake and the rest were there to continue. On the 30 of March 1655, Oliver and his Council ordered that the said Rogers should be removed to Windsor Castle: whereupon the next day he was carried there, and his wife rode after him.